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欧盟扩张的危险与挑战 (Risks and Challenges of the EU expansion)/周大勇

作者:法律资料网 时间:2024-07-03 16:48:47  浏览:8204   来源:法律资料网
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Risks and challenges of the EU expansion
周大勇 (Zhou,Dayong)

I. Introduction
For several years now the European Union is discussing a possible enlargement, because several European countries have applied for membership in the EU. These are especially the former socialist countries in Eastern Europe, that have clearly turned towards the west since the collapse of the iron curtain. These countries are Bulgaria, the Baltic countries Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, Poland, Romania, the Slovak Republic, the Czech Republic, Slovenia and Hungary.

In addition Turkey, Cyprus and Malta are trying for quite some time already to join the EU. These application are not to be accepted without any further deliberation because they do bring along some risks and the consequences are hard to distinguish therefore these countries are not very expected joining the European Union in the near future and will therefore not be included in the following evaluation.
II. Risks and challenges
If we wants to evaluate the risks and challenges of an upcoming enlargement of the EU, we should first take into account experiences gained during previous expansion which were to some extent comparable. Here the southern expansion from 1986 should be mentioned where two economically pathetic countries sought admission to the then European Community. The admission procedure of these two candidates, being Spain and Portugal, were lengthy and considered very problem bearing. Especially the amount of produce that would add to the already existing agricultural over-production of the Community was seen to be a problem since it would increase the load on the European budget.

But seen from a global economical perspective the joining of Spain and Portugal was overall positive for the EC and the two countries, although Spain struggled with a further rise of unemployment and disparities within the Community were further amplified.

The disparities within the Union will most certainly increase when it comes to an eastern expansion, but the agricultural problem will not be an issue, because the candidates have not got their focus on agriculture, already because of their communist heritage which focused on industry rather than on agriculture or the tertiary sector.

In case of the approaching expansion towards Eastern Europe the Union will have to resolve several problems, the most severe being without any doubt the financial one that will go along with the extension, estimated to be ?5 - ?6 billion annually, just for the technologically underdeveloped agriculture in the new member states.

The financial problem will also lead to a temporary discontent among the population of the existing members, since the financial load on the countries will cause budget cuts because the new members will undoubtedly belong to the payees rather than the payers. Especially the Mediterranean members, for instance Italy, Spain etc. fear cuts in their subsidies particularly the agricultural ones, and agriculture is already making up the biggest part of the EU′s budget.

Of course it is also to be questioned whether with the joining of economically weak countries the economies of the "richer" members are not weakened.

What should be taken into consideration as well is the impact the joining will have on the population of the candidates, especially considering the rights they will gain when they are citizens of the European community. They do then have the right to settle and work anywhere within the community, this could lead to a large amount of people pouring into the old member countries trying to seek work there and make their living. And since most of the European countries are already struggling with high unemployment the high rates could be pushed up further and the discontent among the population could worsen, especially against the background of Neo-Nazis in Germany and other countries such as Britain or Italy. Off course this would only be a temporary problem, which would solve itself over time as the new members develop economically, but still this could prove to be a major issue.

Of course their comes also a minor problem along with the expansion, this problem being even more languages than the twelve, already being used, in which EU communications would have to be carried out adding to the already huge administrative body of the European Union and also causing further costs of the EU.
But because the expansion represents a political necessity one should also take into account the positive aspects caused by such a historic event. With the expansion the continent would take a huge step towards the ethnic integration within Europe, different cultures would be facing each other and could also profit from each other. Also the global competitiveness of the EU against the USA and Asia would improve and another step towards global peace would be undertaken.
III. Changes in administration
It is obvious that an expansion potentially including ten countries would not be feasible without fundamental institutional reforms.

For instance with the existing structure of the Union which allocates most of the power to the European Council, where each member state has one vote, it would be imaginable that smaller members would have a majority over the larger members. Except for Poland, which is by population comparable to Spain and would consequently be a large member, all other candidates are relatively small in size an population.

Another point is that with more than twenty members the decision finding and making process needs to be completely reconsidered, so it represents the actual size of the member countries in terms of population rather than giving each member a veto and especially one single vote. The existing voting and weighting system is also already making the decision finding process a painfully and lengthy one, another ten different opinions added to this would make it virtually impossible to come to an agreement that at least partially satisfies all members and is therefore being supported and not vetoed against.

A changed "legislature" would also keep the democratic thought that the entire EU is based on alive and not vanish it like the existing system.

What should also be pointed out is the fact that an increase in members could lead to new coalitions within the Union and also increase competition among the individual countries. There are even critics that fear that an eastern expansion could lead to a shift in power towards the reunified Germany, since the potential new members are already heavily bound and leaning towards Germany.

What should also be considered is a change in European agricultural policy, which should actually be reformed already. The system of milk quotas, subsidies etc. which subsidises an over-production in many areas, just not to infuriate the farmers, because smaller farms would not be able to survive without the subsidies and the entire face of the European primary sector would change is completely outdated. This system could definitely no longer be kept up with even more farmers to support.
IV. Successful without absorbing the new members?
It is obvious that this question needs to be answered with a clear no. The existing members of the EU are already being absorbed by it and they have all chosen this faith. The goals of the European Union do state the loss of sovereignty in the areas of economic and currency politics, the latter one already realized, also in the political areas of social politics, education, research, consumer protection, health and also environmental issues. Now one could argue how many of these goals need to be realized in order for the EU to be successful, from the British point of view for example the cooperation in economic issues and the creation of the single market have already been enough, considering their opinion towards the Maastricht treaty.

If one would see it from the British point of view the EU could be successful without absorbing the new members, but since most other countries would like to see the above mentioned goals implied and would like to realize the dream of de Gaulle, Adenauer and others of "the United States of Europe", the new members would surrender a huge part of their sovereignty and consequently would be absorbed by the EU, especially considering that they will join in a couple of years at the earliest when European integration will hopefully have advanced beyond the point it is today.
Another point one could consider is what would happen if the European integration would further advance up to the point of the United States of Europe without any new countries joining. This would create another superpower alongside the USA and the then non-members would live in the shadow of the EU or whatever its name would be by that time and also be absorbed by the enormous power, in any terms, of their big neighbour just like the Caribbean, Canada and Mexico, even the entire Americas are by the USA. So the conclusion drawn by this could be that the central and eastern European countries would be better off in any case if they joined the EU even if they had to surrender much of their sovereignty.
Sources:

(1) http://www.europa.eu.int/ (March 17th, 2001)
(2) http://idw.tu-clausthal.de/public/zeige_pm.html?pmid=26445 (April 5th, 2001)
(3) Informationen zur politischen Bildung: Europäische Union (BpB, 1995)
(4) Microsoft Encarta 98
(5) Mittel- und Osteuropa auf dem Weg in die Europäische Union (Werner Weidenfeld, Verlag Bertelsmann Stiftung, 1996)
(6) http://www.e-politik.de/beitrag.cfm?Beitrag_ID=559 (April 1st, 2001)

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对警察潘余均之死的几点追问

毛立新


  曾参与办理佘祥林一案的湖北省京山县公安局民警潘余均,于5月25日在武汉市黄陂区自缢身亡,死前留下"我冤枉"三字血书(见新京报5月26日、28日、29日)。惊闻此讯,笔者痛心不已。佘祥林受冤固然令人同情,媒体和舆论对办案民警痛加指责也无可厚非。但现在,面对一个42岁人民警察的非正常死亡,我们就能坦然接受吗?为了那个同样有着妻子、孩子和老人的家庭,为了那些仍战斗在打击犯罪、维护治安第一线,日日夜夜流血流汗而又默默无语的警察兄弟,我要为潘余均鸣冤!
  佘祥林冤案的造成,警察固然难辞其咎,但把帐都算到警察头上,却是违背事实、显失公正。大家知道,我国刑事诉讼分为侦查、起诉、审判等环节,公检法是分工负责、相互配合、相互制约的关系。在侦查阶段,公安机关办错了案、抓错了人,固然关系重大。但从诉讼理论上讲,公安机关的结论只是一种具有或然性的"侦查假说",其是否真实可信,还要经历整个刑事诉讼过程的检验,接受检察机关、人民法院的层层审查与审理。试问:如果说侦查弄错了是警察的责任,但案件起诉错了、判决错了,能说都是警察的错吗?
  事实上,此案在起诉和审判过程,检察院、法院都发现了诸多疑点,但又有谁做到了尽职负责、依法处理呢?湖北省高院在二审中发现存在"五大疑点",但为什么不按照"罪疑从无"原则宣判佘祥林无罪?试想,如果当时宣判无罪,而不是发回重审,又何来后来的错误判决,何来佘祥林11年冤狱生涯?对此,湖北省高院不仅不加反省,还一度作为经验加以宣扬,岂非滑天下之大稽?还有京山县法院、荆州市中院,为了确保佘祥林受到有罪处理,竟然违法改变管辖,并在证据并不确凿、充分的情况下作出有罪判决,其过错比之于警察谁更大?
  需要说明的是,笔者在此并非想指责法官、检察官,更不是想为警察推卸责任。而是想说明,佘祥林冤案的形成,并非是哪个人、那个职业群体的单独过错。正如许多法学家早就指出的,佘祥林一案所折射出的是中国司法的观念之弊、体制之弊、制度之弊,更大一点说是政治制度之弊。作为个人,每个参与办案的警察、检察官、法官,只是中国司法这台高速运转的国家机器上的几个零件,在既定的运行轨道上,他们又有多少选择?换句话说,即便换成你我,难道就能保证此案不办错?设想一下,面对层层加码的"限期破案""命案必破",面对上级领导批示和政法委的协调定案,面对受害家属的联名上访,面对稳定压倒一切的政治要求,不管换成谁,又能保持多少独立的判断和理性的抉择?
  潘余均走了,他到底怀着何种屈怨,以致如此抉择?我们不得而知。但至少,不管他对佘祥林一案负有多大责任,都罪不至死。生命只有一次,每个人的生命均应受到同等的关注和珍视。现在,面对这名警察的非正常死亡,我要问的是:是否应有人对此亡负责呢?报载,5月21日潘被湖北省纪委工作人员带至武汉市黄陂区隔离审查,24日中午他给妻子打电话称"是偷跑出来的,压力很大""实在受不了了,我先走了",25日凌晨即被发现自缢身亡。由于不了解知详情,笔者不敢断言潘余均是否受到过某种非正常的对待。但至少可以提出几点质疑:一是所谓"隔离审查",是"两规"还是"两指",如果二者都不是,那又是什么,依据何在?二是在"隔离审查"期间,潘余均又何以能够"偷跑出来",这是否属于工作"失误"或者"事故",应否有人负责?三是潘余均在被隔离审查期间,是否遭受了不人道、有伤人格尊严的审查方式,使其备感屈辱,萌生去意?四是潘余均作为当年佘祥林专案组排名最后的一名民警,是否在审查中被迫承担了与其身份、地位和作用并不相称的责任与压力,使他备感委屈和不公正,以致死前仍在念叨"我冤枉"?
  这些质疑,虽属猜测,但我认为仍有提出来的必要。因为,不管事实到底如何,出于对每一个生命的尊重和负责,有关部门都应详加调查、并给出公正的结论。潘余均的生命固然无可挽回,但对于他的死,我仍有进一步的担心,害怕有关部门不加认真调查,再随手扔给他一个"畏罪自杀"、"死有余辜"的帽子。则不仅潘余均死不瞑目,更会使众多执法人员顿生"兔死狐悲"之哀,伤了大家的心。虽说近来警界"事故多发",警察倍受社会指责,简直成了"过街老鼠",感觉灰溜溜的。但大家都明白,社会离不开警察,在最危险、最困难的时刻仍需警察冲锋在前,是他们在光明与黑暗、正义与邪恶、秩序与混乱之间为我们树起了一堵坚不可摧的墙。警察不是神仙,不是圣人,但也绝非都是无赖和流氓。100多万人的警察队伍中出过不少败类,但更多的是流血流汗的英雄,是忠于职守的战士。据统计,我国每年都有400多名警察牺牲,近7000人因公负伤,请问在中国有哪个群体能付出如此牺牲?所以说,是他们用鲜血和忠诚浇铸了共和国的安宁!
  为了那些沉默无语的警察,为了公平与正义,为了我们的共和国,我要为警察说句话,我要为潘余均鸣声冤!

  (作者系中国人民公安大学诉讼法学博士研究生)




国家外汇管理局关于调整经常项目外汇管理政策的通知

国家外汇管理局


国家外汇管理局关于调整经常项目外汇管理政策的通知
文号:汇发【2006】19号 

国家外汇管理局各省、自治区、直辖市分局、外汇管理部,深圳、大连、青岛、厦门、宁波市分局;各中资外汇指定银行:
  为进一步满足境内机构和个人的用汇需求,促进贸易便利化,根据中国人民银行公告[2006] 第5号,现就经常项目外汇管理政策调整的有关事宜通知如下:
  一、取消经常项目外汇账户开户事前审批,提高经常项目外汇账户限额
  (一)外汇局不再对境内机构经常项目外汇账户的开立、变更、关闭进行事先核准。境内机构凡已经开立过经常项目外汇账户的,如需开立新的经常项目外汇账户,可持开户申请书、营业执照(或社团登记证)和组织机构代码证直接到外汇指定银行(以下简称“银行”)办理开户手续;凡未开立过经常项目外汇账户的,应持营业执照(或社团登记证)和组织机构代码证先到外汇局进行机构基本信息登记。
  (二)提高境内机构经常项目外汇账户保留外汇的限额,按上年度经常项目外汇收入的80%与经常项目外汇支出的50%之和确定。对于上年度没有经常项目外汇收支且需要开立账户的境内机构,开立经常项目外汇账户的初始限额,调整为不超过等值50万美元。
  (三)境内机构有真实贸易背景且有对外支付需要的,可在开户银行凭《结汇、售汇及付汇管理规定》及其它有关外汇管理法规规定的有效凭证和商业单据提前办理购汇,并存入其经常项目外汇账户。
  二、简化服务贸易售付汇凭证,调整服务贸易售付汇审核权限
  (一)对境外机构支付等值5万美元以下(含5万美元),对境外个人支付等值5千美元以下(含5千美元)服务贸易项下费用的,境内机构和个人凭合同(协议)或发票(支付通知书)办理购付汇手续;超过上述限额的,按原规定办理。
  (二)境内机构和个人通过互联网等电子商务方式进行服务贸易项下对外支付的,可凭网络下载的相关合同(协议)、支付通知书,加盖印章或签字后,办理购付汇手续。
  (三)对法规未明确规定审核凭证的服务贸易项下的售付汇,等值10万美元以下(含10万美元)的由银行审核,等值10万美元以上的由所在地外汇局审核。
  (四)国际海运企业(包括国际船舶运输、无船承运、船舶代理、货运代理企业)支付国际海运项下运费及相关费用,可直接到银行购汇;货主根据业务需要,可直接向境外运输企业支付国际海运项下运费及相关费用。
  三、放宽境内居民个人购汇政策,实行年度总额管理
  (一)对境内居民个人购汇实行年度总额管理,年度总额为每人每年等值2万美元。境内居民个人在年度总额内购汇的,凭本人真实身份证明并向银行申报用途后办理;超过年度总额购汇的,经银行审核外汇管理规定的真实需求凭证后办理。
  (二)境内居民个人年度总额内所购外汇,可以存入本人境内外汇账户或用于经常项目外汇支出。凡外汇汇出境外、提取外币现钞或携带出境的,仍按原外汇管理规定办理。
  (三)境内居民个人在年度总额内购汇,应由本人办理或委托其直系亲属代为办理。凡由直系亲属代为办理的,需提供委托人和代办人的身份证明、亲属关系证明,以及委托人的授权书。
  (四)外汇局对境内居民个人购汇不再实行核销管理。
  四、规范业务管理,加强监测预警
  (一)外汇局通过信息系统对境内机构和个人外汇收支活动实施监管,并根据涉外经济发展和国际收支形势的客观需要,对经常项目外汇账户限额和境内居民个人购汇年度总额进行调整。
  (二)银行应按要求加强对境内机构和个人外汇资金流入和结汇的真实性审核,向外汇局报送外汇账户的开立、关闭和外汇收支以及个人购汇信息。
  (三)对违反本通知规定的,外汇局依据有关外汇管理法规进行查处。
  本通知自2006年5月1日起执行。本通知未尽事宜仍按现行规定办理。以前规定与本通知规定相抵触的,按本通知规定执行。
  各分局收到本通知后,应尽快转发至所辖支局、外资银行、城市商业银行、农村信用合作银行;各中资外汇指定银行总行收到本通知后,应尽快转发所辖分支行。执行中如遇到问题,请及时向国家外汇管理局反馈。